A Growing Role for the UN Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs in National Elections

We witnessed a record election year in 2024. Over 60 countries held elections where over three billion voters cast their ballots.[1] In approximately a third of these elections, the UN Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs (UN DPPA) worked behind the scenes, providing technical electoral assistance.[2] Such a universal display of elections is undoubtedly something to celebrate, a moment where the UN DPPA mission, the promotion of democratization, aligned with reality. However, the 2024 elections raised some significant concerns around election integrity, both actual and perceived. It is unlikely that technical support alone will prove a successful method to root out electoral skepticism. The UN DPPA should consider diversifying its focus away from pure technical support to address the problem of declining electoral integrity adequately.

While the UN has responded to electoral concerns since establishing the United National Temporary Commission on Korea in 1947, the UN DPPA was not founded until 1991.[3] Since its formation, UN DPPA assistance can only originate in one of two ways: (1) by request of a Member State seeking support in their own election(s), or (2) through a mandate from either the Security Council or General Assembly.[4] Once a support request is approved, there are eight types of assistance the UN DPPA can provide: technical assistance, support to create a conducive environment, organization and conduct of an electoral process, certification/verification, electoral observation, supervision of election, panels of political and/or elector experts, and coordination of electoral observers.[5] Historically and in 2024, technical assistance, ranging from materials aid to campaign finance compliance training, was “by far the most common form of UN electoral assistance.”[6] Technical assistance can be invaluable for member states working to establish their first elections or tackling logistical issues, such as health concerns at polling stations during the COVID-19 pandemic.[7] However, additional concerns arose after this past election year directly related to electoral integrity, which technical assistance programs are not best suited to combat.

In 2024, one in three voters lived in a country where the quality of elections has declined.[8] Between 2020 and 2024, voter participation declined, disputes over election results increased, and a losing candidate or party rejected the electoral outcome in almost one in five elections.[9] The harsh reality of these statistics is consistent with the University of Durham’s findings: that of the over 60 countries that held elections this past year, “31 are worsening on their democracy levels, while only three are improving.”[10] Combating this democratic decline requires understanding what factors can affect electoral integrity concerns. Fortunately, the UN can utilize its experience to answer this question.

Historical evidence from UN DPPA-monitored elections suggests the relationship between “the quality of a process and the legitimacy of the outcome” is not a one-to-one ratio.[11] Even ideally administered elections can be subject to legitimacy concerns, demonstrating a need for support beyond technical assistance. These perceived or actual concerns are often tied to the broader political context surrounding elections.[12] This includes the stakes of an election, frequently exasperated by winner-take-all political systems and the political cost of losing.[13] Lowering the stakes of elections and increasing candidates’ willingness to accept electoral outcomes may seem like impossible tasks for the UN DPPA; however, the organization is already toe-dipping into this programming.[14] In the 2011 Yemeni election, the UN officials “actively encouraged political leaders, some of whom had not endorsed the transitional arrangements, to engage in the process and participate in the elections.”

Additionally, in the lead-up to the 2015 Burkina Faso election, the UN positioned over 60 electoral experts in the country who advocated for an inclusive legal framework for election administration and provided conflict resolution support during the transition period.[15] With increasing integrity concerns plaguing elections across the globe and the understanding that political context contributes just as much, if not more, to this legitimacy issue, we need more interventions like these. There is still a need for technical support from the UN DPPA; there is also a need for more, and the UN DPPA can provide it.

Isabell Creed is a staff member of Fordham International Law Journal Volume XLVIII. 

[1]See A “Super Year” For Elections, U.N. Dev. Programme (Mar. 1, 2025), https://www.undp.org/super-year-elections.

[2] See Politically Speaking, The Role of UN Electoral Assistance in Strengthening Democracy, Medium (Feb. 1, 2024), https://dppa.medium.com/the-role-of-un-electoral-assistance-in-strengthening-democracies-948c218bcdf9.

[3] See Maarten Half, The United Nations Approach to Electoral Management Support, European Consortium for Pol. Rsch. Conf. 2 (Sept. 2017), https://aceproject.org/ero-en/misc/the-united-nations-approach-to-electoral.

[4] See U.N. Pol. and Peacebuilding Affairs, Elections, https://dppa.un.org/en/elections (last visited Mar. 1, 2025).

[5] See id.

[6] See United Nations Focal Point for Electoral Assistance Matters, Guidance Note, Ref. FP/01/2012 as revised.

[7] See id.; see also U.N. Secretary-General, Strengthening the Role of the United Nations in Enhancing Periodic and Genuine Elections and the Promotion of Democratization, ¶ 5, U.N. GAOR, 76th Sess., Agenda Item 74(b), U.N. Doc. A/76/266 (2021).

[8] See The Global State of Democracy, International IDEA, https://www.idea.int/gsod/2024/ (list visited Mar. 1, 2025).

[9] See id.

[10] See Offering Insights into Global Electoral Integrity, Durham University, (Aug. 13, 2024) https://www.durham.ac.uk/research/current/thought-leadership/2024/08/offering-insights-into-global-electoral-integrity.

[11] See Maarten Half, supra note 3, at 5.

[12] See id. at 6.

[13] See id.

[14] See id. at 8.

[15] See id.

This is a student blog post and in no way represents the views of the Fordham International Law Journal.